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My Views on Disengagement

With the disengagement plan being a warm topic of conversation in the blogosphere, yours truly has stayed relatively quiet (with the rare broaching of the subject here and there). I guess you can chalk my relative silence on the matter to cognitive dissonance (Otherwise known as disengaging myself from the topic).

 

The whole issue frustrates me to no end. Yes, I certainly oppose the plan, but there is a feeling of inevitability surrounding it.

 

Well, today I have decided to deal extensively with my views on the topic.

 

It will not come as a surprise to most of you that I believe Jews have the right to live in Gaza. From the Jewish standpoint, Gaza forms parts of the land that G-d gave to our people. Historically speaking, Jews have lived in Gaza since biblical times (contrary to what many on the Left claim), and the Jewish presence there certainly predates that of the PLO Arabs. Here is more on the history of the Jewish presence in Gaza:

1. The current Jewish community of Kfar Darom was established on the site of the 3rd-4th century AD Talmudic Jewish town of Kfar Darom (The Talmud’s Massekhet Sota referred to the sage Eliezer the son of Yitzhak of Kfar Darom). At the end of the 19th century, the land of Kfar Darom (The Village of the South) was acquired by Tuvia Miller from Rekhovot, who transformed swamps into a blossoming orchard. The Arabs destroyed the orchard and its well during the anti-Jewish Intifada of 1936-39, which plagued Jews throughout Israel. Jewish presence in Kfar Darom was renewed in October 1946 – along with 10 other communities – as a response to the British Mandate attempt to disengage the future Jewish state from the Negev. The village was evacuated following the Egyptian siege of 1948/9, but became the first Jewish community in Gaza following the 1967 Six Day War.

 

2. The Jewish community of Gaza City was expelled (lynching was prevented by the Arab A-Shawa family), during the 1929 anti-Jewish Intifada, which exterminated the Jewish community of Hebron. Rather than punishing the lynching mob, the British Police evacuated the Gaza Jewish community. In 1885, the Jewish leadership decided to resettle three historical Jewish locations – Lydda, Nablus and Gaza. The largest nucleus (30 families) was referred to Gaza. A Jewish day school and a Jewish-managed bank were established in 1910 and 1914 respectively. Upon the eruption of WWI, the Ottomans deported the Jewish community. Jews returned to Gaza in 1919, operating its windmill and hotel and reopening the Shimshon (Samson) Jewish day school. They left for a few months due to the 1921 Intifada. Former President Ben-Zvi and the Jewish daily Halevanon wrote about the 1870-72 and 1882/3 Jewish presence in Gaza, following the 1799-1820 flight of its Jews, during the Napoleon siege, which devastated the city. The 1492-1497 Jewish expulsion from Spain/Portugal directed some families to Gaza, headed by the seven Castil brothers. The flow of Jews to Gaza was bolstered upon the Ottoman takeover in 1517 (116 Jewish families in 1549), producing prominent Jewish clergies, such as Chief Rabbi Israel Najarah (1620), the composer of “Yah Ribon Olam” hymn, who was buried in Gaza, succeeded by his son, Rabbi Moshe Najarah. The 17th century prosperity of the Gaza Jewish community was aborted in 1660, when eerie Shabtai Zvi was declared at the Gaza synagogue as the supposed Messiah.  

 

3. Renowned travelers documented Jewish presence in Gaza. In 1384, Georgio Gucci complimented Gaza Jews for producing excellent wine. In 1395, De Angelir noted that the Jews of Gaza had to wear a yellow cloth. In 1481, Meshulam from Voltera noted that Gaza Jews were entrenched in Gaza, since they owned substantial real estate, including vineyards and controlled the wine industry. He was impressed with the hilltop synagogue, which was destroyed in 1831 by Egypt’s Ibrahim Pasha (the Gaza hilltop neighborhood is currently known as Khart Al Yahood, the Jewish Neighborhood). In 1488, Ovadia from Bartenura described the wholesome Jewish community of Gaza. In 1507, Martin Baumgarten noted the presence of Jews in Gaza and Hebron.  

 

4. Gaza substituted Jerusalem (135-600 AD) – just like Tiberias – when Rome prohibited Jewish pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The Gaza Jewish community dates back to biblical time, including – as noted in Cloakroom #164 – the era of the Patriarchs, Judges and Kings. Jonathan the Maccabee took over Gaza in 145 BC and Shimon the Maccabee settled it, King Alexander Yanai-Janeus renewed the Jewish community in 96 BC, which was expelled by Rome in 61 BC. Rome’s Constantinus The Great failed in his attempt to convert the 4th century AD Jewish community to Christianity. Remnants of ancient synagogues were discovered in Gaza, most notably a mosaic floor next to the Gaza pier, dating back to 508/9 AD.  

However, my opposition to the disengagement plan is not predicated on my belief that Jews should be able to live in Gaza. I am essentially a pragmatist where Jewish law allows. And given that there are prominent Rabbis (such as Rabbi Ovadia Yosef) who support land for true peace, I would be willing to support disengagement from Gaza if I believed it would lead to real peace, and prevent unnecessary loss of life. However, I am of the opinion that not only would withdrawing from Gaza NOT lead to real peace and thus save Jewish life, but it will actually lead to the loss of more Jewish life, and make peace an even more remote possibility.

 

Disengagement will lead to greater loss of life, considering the importance of Gaza as a security buffer.

Gaza has always been a critical security asset, constituting an invasion route, beginning with Egypt’s Mentuhotep 2nd (2004-1992 BC), Sennacherib (681-704 BC), Ptolemi 1st  (284-304 BC), Alexander the Great, Napoleon, General Alenby and the 1948 Egyptian military. The Gaza population has recently been (at least since early 20th century) a terrorist safe haven. Control of Gaza (until 1993) constrained Palestinian terrorism, as far as incitement, recruitment, training, operational maneuverability, manufacturing and smuggling of explosives, missiles, etc. Disengagement from Gaza has dramatically exacerbated terrorism. 

Withdrawing from Gaza, without the genuine desire of the PA to fight terrorism, will almost certainly increase the number and potency of terror attacks. And I certainly am under no illusions about the PA’s desire to fight terror.

 

Furthermore, contrary to conventional wisdom, a Gaza withdrawal will harm the prospects of peace. A common mistake made by the West is the attribution of Western values to Arab society. For example, compromise is seen as a desirable and effective negotiation tool in Western societies, whereas it is viewed as being  tantamount to weakness and surrender by the Arab and Muslim mindset. We saw this with our withdrawal from Lebanon (which not only led to more terror attacks launched from Lebanese territory, but also gave the PLO Arabs the motivation to start the current intifada ), and we are seeing it now with talk of the Gaza disengagement.

 

In my opinion, the only way to achieve peace in this region is to show our strength. That is not to say that we should wage war on the PLO Arabs, but rather that we fight terror with all our might, and make it clear that once it stops, we will be willing to negotiate. But we should also make it clear that each terror attack will carry with it a price – less territory in a final settlement. And certainly, unilateral withdrawal should be avoided, unless it will ultimately save lives.

 

I am not alone in my assessment of the dangers of disengagement. Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, the very Rabbi who I quoted above as representing a leading Rabbinical authority on the support for land-for-peace, has this to say on the subject:

“If they evacuate these settlements, the territory will be occupied by terrorists, who will have within their range Ashkelon, Ashdod, and Netivot. They will fire missiles and Kassams, and murder innocent people. This is a real danger for the people of Israel.”

—-

“Thirty years ago I said I am in favor of land for peace, but it has to be true peace, made with someone you can trust, so it can save lives,” Yosef said. “But now, when there is war, when there is no partner, and when there is no one to talk to, there is no reason to abandon territory.”

Having established that I oppose the disengagement plan, the next issue is whether or not I believe that the residents of Gaza should resist, and, if so, to what extent.

 

I want to be clear in stating that I vehemently oppose the use of any violence to resist the pullout. I believe in democracy, the need for unity, as well as the importance of obeying the IDF, despite the fact that I oppose the pullout. The prospect of civil war is a far more dangerous one than the prospect of terrorists launching attacks from Gaza. If we were to wage war on each other, Israel’s very existence would be in jeopardy.

 

Where I am more torn is regarding the use of more passive forms of resistance, such as setting up road blocks, and being generally disruptive without using actual force. On one hand, I understand why the residents of these communities would want to show their objections to the pullout in a more than token fashion. On the other hand, these actions tend to undermine the standing of these people in the eyes of their fellow Israelis, and increase the fracticiousness of Israeli society.

 

I am still undecided, although I listen with interest to the views of the esteemed Rav Aviner, whom I have had the pleasure of hearing in person on many occasions, and who is a very prominent Rabbi who lives in Beit El.  

A leading West Bank settlement rabbi is calling on settlers not to resist when the day comes for them to leave their homes under the disengagement plan.

 

“On the day of the evacuation, we will get up and leave our homes without using force,” Rabbi Shlomo Aviner told Ynetnews. “Only a popular protest will change the prime minister’s mind.”

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When asked what forms of popular protest are acceptable, Aviner said, “Just protest and expressing opinion. That means everything is legal, everything is gentle.

 

“No blocking roads, no annoying citizens, no making a noise or mess – just express a popular protest. Because at the end of the day, the nation is in charge – not the Knesset and not the government.”

I would like to conclude by expressing my appreciation to the many fine men, women, and children who live in the Gaza communities. Your presence there has undoubtedly bolstered my security, and that of my fellow Israeli citizens. If we do end up withdrawing from Gaza, I will be feeling your pain.

 

Update: And here are some other views:

 

About the author

Picture of David Lange

David Lange

A law school graduate, David Lange transitioned from work in the oil and hi-tech industries into fulltime Israel advocacy. He is a respected commentator and Middle East analyst who has often been cited by the mainstream media
Picture of David Lange

David Lange

A law school graduate, David Lange transitioned from work in the oil and hi-tech industries into fulltime Israel advocacy. He is a respected commentator and Middle East analyst who has often been cited by the mainstream media
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